The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was seen as arguably the most significant occupants of that office in American history. Whereas numerous VPs were limited to peripheral or figurehead functions, Cheney held huge influence during the term of George W Bush, to the point that he was commonly referred to as the "actual president".
Bush objected to that description and said the dynamic was more complex. He pointed out that Cheney was courteous, consistently addressing him in public settings as Mr President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their association as a team because it indicated that they were equals. In spite of these objections, Cheney viewed the relaxed president accommodating on a wide array of policy decisions.
The Aftermath of 9/11
Leading of a group of neo-conservatives that featured Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a meeting at a school in Florida. As Bush traveled to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took command, commanding the downing of any unresponsive aircraft nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney said the attacks changed him, leading him to become intent on retribution. Along with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Policies
He expressed no regrets about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the harsh treatment of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on inaccurate intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It represented the proper decision to do then. I believed it then and I maintain that stance today."
But even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I saw, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, carelessness, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, falsehoods, incompetence, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for comparable steps. He had written a document outlining situations in which national priorities might be compromised (encompassing "obtaining crucial commodities, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "America should be postured to act independently when joint efforts cannot be arranged," specifically mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the Oval Office generally inclined on carrying out what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been fired by the White House, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of lowering America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been behind a plot to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore objected to that one of the biggest accommodations in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a likeness of his predecessor's visage that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement behind striking Iraq, repeatedly citing information documents that were both weak or totally inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush government euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the use of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the torture, Cheney dismissed the report as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish programmes to capture the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in labels imposed on him by detractors such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the corner that remains unseen emerge from his domain? This represents a nice way to work, truthfully."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his business interests followed him during his tenure as vice-president. Even though he had little experience in corporate affairs but strong connections in military, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial petroleum corporations, in 1995 as leader and top executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US deals worth substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his time at the company rose from his $258,394 while military head to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a package valued at over $20m|twenty
